One of the lessons one learns in law school is that there cannot be a right if there is no available remedy.
When you think about it, that makes sense. If I have a right to do X, and you prevent me from doing X, I should be able to sue you. if there is no way to punish you for interfering with my ability to do X, the “right” is non-existent–a fiction.
Which brings me to the Minneapolis murder of Renee Good by ICE officer Jonathan Ross.
A recent essay in the New York Times was co-authored by two giants of the constitutional legal community, Erwin Chemerinsky and Burt Neuborne. In that essay, they addressed the question whether Good’s family has a remedy–whether they can even bring a lawsuit against an ICE officer who shot an unarmed mother of three, muttered “Fucking bitch,” and walked away.
Had Good been shot by a state or local officer, there would be no question. For 150 years, a law known as “Section 1983” has permitted suits against those acting “under color of state law.” The Civil Rights Act of 1871 expressly made it a crime for state or local officers to violate a person’s rights. As the authors note, that act also allows “civil suits for monetary damages or injunctive relief against any state or local employees who, in the course of their work, violate the Constitution or federal laws.”
If a city adopts an ordinance that violates the First Amendment, a citizen can sue the city under Section 1983. If a police officer uses excessive force, which the Supreme Court has held violates the Fourth Amendment, the victim can sue the officer under Section 1983. Section 1983 suits account for a significant part of the workload of federal courts.
When I was Executive Director of Indiana’s ACLU, we routinely brought cases under Section 1983. (A related federal statute that is equally important allows the recovery of legal fees if such a lawsuit is successful–without such a provision, only wealthy people could afford to vindicate their rights.)
Section 1983 only applies to officials acting under the authority of state law. The Minneapolis police officer who murdered George Floyd was sued under that section. But the ICE officer who killed Renee Good is a federal employee–he cannot be sued under Section 1983. And it turns out that there is no federal law authorizing suits against federal officials who violate a citizen’s constitutional rights.
In light of this, in 1971, the Supreme Court came up with a fix of its own: allowing people whose constitutional rights have been violated to sue for monetary damages without needing a federal statute.
In that case, the Court said the plaintiff could sue directly under the Fourth Amendment–and for a decade the court followed that precedent.
But after 1980, the court sharply shifted course. Not once since then has it allowed Bivens suits (as they came to be known) to go forward. In case after case, the court has precluded people whose rights have been violated from suing even when they suffered great injuries….
The Supreme Court repeatedly has said that if Congress wants to authorize such suits, it can enact a law, similar to Section 1983, that allows suits against federal officers who violate the Constitution. Such a law is important to ensure that those whose rights are violated can receive a remedy, including compensation for their injuries. Civil liability is also a crucial way of deterring wrongdoing.
There is no credible argument for continuing this state of affairs. Passage of a law mirroring Section 1983, but for federal officials, would simply level the playing field. There is no reason to exempt federal lawbreakers from rules that apply to their state and local counterparts–no reason to protect federal actors who knowingly violate the constitutional rights of citizens. (It’s important to note that a right to bring suit isn’t a right to win such lawsuits–there are legal and factual defenses available that protect officials against ill-founded accusations.)
As the law now stands, Jonathan Ross may escape liability for an action that would clearly be illegal if he was employed by local or state police. The absence of a remedy for Good’s family is the absence of a right–in this case, a right not to be murdered by an agent of the federal government. (And it was murder, as anyone who viewed the multiple videos available could clearly see.)
The essay concludes with a call for a “Renee Good Act” that would close this gaping loophole. I can think of few things more appropriate than passing such a law and naming it after Good.
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