Penny Wise, Pound Foolish

Recently, a lunchtime discussion turned to the extent to which Indiana lags in mass transit. Wouldn’t it be great, someone said, if we had high-speed rail to Chicago?

That question recalled one of our state’s multiple “missed opportunities.” I’m told that when I65 was being built, the question arose whether overpasses should be built with a single support pillar, or with two. Two supports would make it far cheaper and easier to lay track for a train at a later time; there would be no need for added land acquisition, and the train could be run between the two pillars.

Anyone who has driven to Chicago knows that immediate gratification—in the form of lower front-end costs—won out. Now, in order to use the right-of-way, we would have to replace all the existing single supports with doubles, at far greater cost than would have been incurred by doing two pillars at the time.

Penny wise, pound foolish.

On November 4th, Indianapolis voters living within the IPS boundaries will face a similar choice, in the form of a vote on the bond issue for the third phase of IPS building renovations. (The need for the bonds is yet another example of our “penny-wise” politics; had improvements been made in a timely fashion, rather than constantly postponed, the upgrades would have been far less expensive.) These bonds will improve learning environments at 32 schools, housing 15,000 children.

The timing is hardly auspicious—but of course, it seldom is. In recognition of the economic climate, IPS has dramatically reduced the scope of work to include improvements needed for health, safety and academic achievement. The original cost estimate was 475 million; that has been reduced to 278 million. And IPS points out that payment on the bonds will not kick in until 2010—after property tax controls have taken effect. Thus, even with the increase from Phase 3, property taxes will be lower than they currently are.

Proponents of a “yes” vote make a number of arguments: every year of delay increases the cost of needed renovations by between 16-20 million dollars; 25,000 IPS children and teachers are working in aging and inadequate buildings; even after the contemplated improvements are made, IPS buildings will not be comparable to suburban ones. There are no fancy athletic facilities, computers, or other “frills” in this budget—only basic needs.

The question we will answer on November 4th is really more basic than whether we will vote to give our children an adequate learning environment, important as that is. It is whether—for once!—we will choose our long-term best interests over short-term gratification. We know that failing to invest in children today will cost us all much more in the long run. An educated workforce attracts the employers who provide jobs and pay taxes. Educated citizens are less likely to need welfare services, or engage in crime. Investing now will save dollars later.

Can we be “pound wise” for once? We’ll see on November 4th.

 

 

 

 

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Making Lemonade

One of my all-time favorite editorial cartoons appeared a couple of days after the 2004 Presidential election; it showed a dejected John Kerry standing next to a barn, gazing at what appeared to be a large pile of manure. The caption read: “This could all have been mine!”

As I write this, four years later, Americans are trying decide who to trust with a pile that has grown much, much bigger.

The next President will take office at a time when our most basic institutions are broken. The litany is familiar to all of us: we are bogged down in two wars, one of which we had no business waging. Our enemies are reveling in our troubles; our allies are bewildered by our incompetence. The economy is tanking. We increasingly rely on China to buy our debt, which means that China now owns a substantial portion of America. Our infrastructure is crumbling. We haven’t rebuilt New Orleans, or other places devastated by natural disasters for which we were unprepared. Healthcare is increasingly unaffordable. The checks and balances we learned about in government class are a distant memory, and the U.S. Constitution—the document that has shaped our culture and made us the envy of people around the world—lies in tatters.

It is really hard to believe that so much damage could be done in just eight years. Other administrations have made poor policy choices, been fiscally irresponsible, and elevated people unequal to their tasks.  But none has wreaked this much havoc on the nation.

One result of this wholesale devastation is that Americans have lost confidence in the integrity of our common social and legal institutions—and partially as a result, have become increasingly distrustful of each other. Repairing that trust—in our institutions and our neighbors—may be the biggest challenge we face; in its absence, we can only go so far in solving our collective problems. (The recent bailout negotiations are a case in point.) 

The sobering question that confronts us is whether any President, any Administration, can stem the bleeding and put this nation back on the long and difficult path to competent governance, fiscal sanity and the rule of law.

The realist in me says the prospects are grim. The Pollyanna in me (yes, she’s still there!) says that every challenge is an opportunity, that when you make lemonade, you start with lemons.

With proper leadership, we could use this time as an opportunity to learn from our mistakes and remake our country. We could reach back into our national psyche, and rediscover the sources of our strength and productivity. We could recognize and act upon the truth that it will take all of us working together to reclaim our heritage and mend our broken institutions.

The “usual suspects”—campaign strategists, spin doctors, and talking heads—are busy shilling and selling. This year, we need to ignore them all and ask ourselves one simple question: which candidate is most likely to help Americans make lemonade?

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All or Nothing at All

We have just emerged from an election season during which, in addition to the usual (and bipartisan) charges, smears and indiscriminate insults, we were told that Barack Obama’s policies amounted to “socialism.”

Leaving aside the obvious—that most people engaging in these arguments on both sides used the terms “socialist” and “capitalist” very loosely, raising the question whether they really could define either system accurately—what struck me most about the debate was an unacknowledged premise, the assumption that America must choose between capitalism and socialism. The argument underscored the persistence of what I sometimes refer to as our bipolar political culture. Voters are either right or wrong, other countries are either friend or foe, policymakers and politicians are either sleaze-balls or valiant warriors for civic virtue.

Reality isn’t so neatly divided into “either-or” formulations. Sometimes we’re right, sometimes not. Our national interests may align on some measures with Country A, and diverge on others. Policymakers can be good people who are simply mistaken—or for that matter, they may be sleaze-balls who are on the right side of an argument. As I tell my students, reality is generally more complicated than we like to admit.

Which brings us back to that scary word, “socialism.” I happen to be a fairly rabid believer in markets and limited government. But markets only work when buyers and sellers operate in accordance with sound rules and with equal access to relevant information. Throughout our history, Republican and Democratic administrations alike have intervened when they believed particular markets weren’t working. Often that intervention was misguided. At other times, lack of intervention was the problem. Whether markets work in a particular economic area is—or should be—an empirical inquiry, not an ideological one.

There are different ways to “socialize” costs. Americans socialize risk using private markets when we purchase insurance.  We use government—through social security—to socialize the risks of poverty among the elderly. The real question is whether a particular endeavor should be left to the market, under fair but not excessive regulation, or whether there may be compelling reasons to have government handle it.

In fact, when you think about it, a decision to have government manage a particular task is a decision to “socialize” that task—to pool our resources in the form of taxes to provide a social good or service. Public safety is a good example—we have decided, as a society, that police protection should be “socialized” and available to all citizens, not just the ones who can afford private security.

Principled people can certainly disagree whether this or that service should be provided by government or by the market.  But it is unhelpful, to put it mildly, to substitute accusatory labels for thoughtful discussion of the pros and cons. It is worse than unhelpful to suggest that every government initiative is tantamount to turning the country socialist. America has been a mixed economy for a long time. The proper question is the appropriateness of the mix.  

 

 

 

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Election Joy and Sorrow

The good news is that after November 4th—okay, after January 20th—the grown-ups will replace the adolescents in the White House, and America can begin the arduous work needed to repair the wreckage that was once our country.

 

The bad news, of course, is that anti-gay initiatives around the country passed. The defeat in California of “No on Proposition 8” was particularly painful, because early polls suggested a win for the good guys. However,  opponents of equality spent millions of dollars on misleading advertisements and outright lies, and they were aided by the vastly expanded turnout of what pundits delicately call “low-information” voters.

 

We all know that this is just a setback—that history, and the attitudes of younger voting cohorts make equality inevitable. But it will be later rather than sooner, and it’s a painful loss for those who worked so hard to defeat this hateful effort. My son was among those working to defeat Proposition 8, and among his efforts was a letter I want to share, because it puts a personal face on what can sometimes devolve into an abstract argument about rights. 

 

Stephen’s best friend lives in Berkeley with her husband, also a close friend. She told him that she could no longer talk politics with her father, that he was unwilling to hear any argument and would definitely be voting for McCain and most probably be voting for Prop 8.  Stephen asked if it would help if he made a personal appeal to him in a letter, and she said it couldn’t hurt. He shared the letter with me, and agreed that I could share it with the readers of the Word.

 

Dear Dr. [redacted]

 

I hope you remember me. I am your daughter Marites’ best friend, as she is mine. We met 23 years ago while we were at the University of Cincinnati studying architecture, and over the years have developed the deepest affinity for each other. Marites, Keith, Anika and Teah are as much my family as my own flesh and blood. Many years ago, I came to your house in Ashtabula a couple of times and we shared dinner and conversation. We have also had a couple of brief exchanges at Marites’ house in Berkeley over the years since you moved out to California.

 

I am writing to ask you a personal favor. I am writing to ask you to vote NO on Proposition 8 on the ballot this November. As you may or may not be aware, Prop 8 would remove the right of same-sex couples to marry. In essence, it would render me a 2nd class citizen in our shared state of California.

 

I remember stories that Marites would tell me of growing up in Ohio and feeling different because she didn’t “look like” everyone else, because her family was from the Philippines. I’m sure when you moved to Ohio for the opportunity it gave you, you had no idea what it would be like, and what kind of reception you would get from the people there. It must have been tough, speaking with an accent and looking so different from most of the people in that rural community. But you soldiered on, for the well being of your family, to raise them and provide for them and to give them a chance to flourish here. We all want that same chance. And it doesn’t matter how different we are culturally or racially, we share a common humanity.

 

Marites tells me that for a variety of reasons, she thinks that you are opposed to same-sex marriage. I’m not sure if you think that being gay is somehow a choice, but if you do I would ask: do you believe that you chose to be straight? That, assuming there was no hatred or prejudice in the world, you could have chosen to be gay instead? That it is only for the betterment of society that you chose to enter into marriage and have children? Or perhaps you don’t think orientation is a choice, but a challenge God gave to certain people, and that they must deny who they are? Why do you think a loving god would do such a thing? Perhaps you think it is “against nature” despite the overwhelming scientific consensus to the contrary?

 

There are a lot of reasons I could give you to vote against Prop 8. That it is as wrong to discriminate against someone for their orientation as it is their race or ethnic background. That it is no threat to your marriage. Do you realize that Keith and Marites would not have been allowed to get married in a previous era? Surely, you must think that that was wrong and racist. Even if your church is opposed, you know that this has nothing to do with anyone’s church. Not a single church will be forced to perform any marriage with which they disagree. This only has to do with equality before the law, and insuring that all citizens are treated equally.

 

There are so many good reasons, but I will ask you in the name of the deep love and friendship that I have with your daughter, and the love that she has for you and me and her entire family. That, ultimately, is what opposing this measure is about. The love and respect of families, and the equal participation of all parts of the human family in our society and in our lives. Like any good family, we don’t have to always agree on every issue to see the human worth and dignity in all of us. And to act on that by opposing hatred and intolerance where we see it. Will you please join me and Marites (and Keith and so many other people) in voting NO on proposition 8?

 

Whatever your decision, I want to thank you for taking the time to read my letter and consider my request."

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Grassroots, Netroots and Social Change

Planned Parenthood Workshop: Grassroots, Netroots

 

It is always tempting to assert that we live in times that are radically unlike past eras—that somehow, the challenges we face are not only fundamentally different than the problems that confronted our forebears, but worse; to worry that children growing up today are subject to more pernicious influences than children of prior generations. (In Stephanie Coontz’ felicitous phrase, there is a great deal of nostalgia for “the way we never were.”)

 

I grew up in the 1950s, and can personally attest to the fact that all of our contemporary, misty-eyed evocations of that time are revisionist nonsense. The widespread belief that 50s-era Americans all lived like the characters who populated television shows like “Father Knows Best” or “Leave it to Beaver” is highly inaccurate, to put it mildly. (Ask the African-Americans who were still relegated to separate restrooms and drinking fountains in much of the American south, or the women who couldn’t get equal pay for equal work or a credit rating separate from their husbands.)

 

Nevertheless—even conceding our human tendency to overstate the effects of social change for good or ill—it is impossible to understand any of the issues with which Americans are concerned today without recognizing the profound social changes that have been wrought by communication technologies, most prominently, albeit certainly not exclusively, the internet.

 

We live today in an incessant babble of information. Some of that information is transmitted through hundreds of cable and broadcast television stations, increasing numbers of which are devoted to news and commentary twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week.   In our cars, we tune in to news and commentary on AM or FM stations, or more recently to satellite broadcasts that have extended the reach of that broadcast medium. But it is the World Wide Web that has had the greatest impact on the way Americans live our daily lives. We read news and commentary from all over the world on line, we shop for goods and services, we communicate with our friends and families, and we consult web-based sources for everything from medical advice to housekeeping hints to comedy routines. When we don’t know something, we Google it. 

 

The web is rapidly becoming a repository of all human knowledge—not to mention human rumors, hatreds, gossip, trivia and paranoid fantasies. Picking our way through this landscape requires new skills, new ways of accessing, sorting and evaluating the credibility and value of what we see and hear. It is not an exaggeration to say that the enhanced communications environment has changed the way we process information and our very perceptions of reality.

 

A very minor example may illustrate the point. Toward the end of her life, my mother was in a nursing home. Given the limited mobility of most of the residents, the television was a central focus of their day, and it was on continually. Although she had never been a particularly fearful person, nor one who focused on crime, my mother became convinced that crime rates were soaring. They weren’t. In fact, data confirmed that there had been a substantial decline in the incidence and severity of criminal activity in the U.S. over the preceding few years. But when mother was growing up, with the exception of particularly heinous incidents from around the country, or crimes involving celebrities or other public figures, the media to which she had access reported only on local criminal behavior. Seventy years later, the television at the nursing home relayed daily reports of subway murders in London, train bombings in Spain, and assorted misbehaviors of people from all over the globe. To my mother and her elderly peers, it seemed that predators were suddenly everywhere. When people talk about the world growing smaller, that phenomenon is a big part of what they mean.

 

I would argue that the internet has had an infinitely greater impact than television. Television was merely another way to passively receive information; internet technologies are both interactive and geared to my particular needs at any given moment. When I am driving to a location I’ve not previously visited, I get directions via the web (assuming I don’t have a GPS in my car or—more recently—in my cell phone). I can “chat” via Instant Messaging with my granddaughter in Wales, or talk to her on Skype for free—no long distance telephone charges incurred. I’m kept up-to-date on what my friends and family members are doing via Facebook. Increasingly, I shop on line for books, office supplies, even clothing and home furnishings. We no longer visit the license branch and wait in line to renew our license plates; we go online and save the time and trouble. My husband spends hours on Google Earth, marveling at development patterns in Beijing or Dubai. If we want to know how a particular congressman or council-member voted on a bill, the information is at our fingertips. In short, the internet has not only made the world a smaller place, it has forever altered the rhythm of Americans’ daily lives.

 

The ubiquity of information available to us is only a small part of the transformation we are experiencing. Another huge difference is that we are no longer passive consumers of information; the interactive nature of the web allows us to talk back, to post our opinions, to offer rebuttals. It brings us into contact with people of different countries, religions, cultures and backgrounds. (The very name “World-Wide-Web” is evocative of both its range and connective nature.) The internet also allows each of us, if we are so inclined, to become a publisher of our own work or that of others. When I was young, the costs of establishing a new media outlet were astronomical; if you wanted to publish a newspaper, the costs of the printing press and distribution system were prohibitive, and most broadcast radio and television stations were owned by the wealthy. Only elites could afford to participate in the business of information. Today, anyone with access to the internet can hire a few reporters or “content providers” and create her own media outlet. One result is that the previously hierarchical nature of public knowledge is rapidly diminishing. The time-honored “gatekeeper” function of the press—when journalists decided what constituted news and what was thus worthy of reporting—will soon be a thing of the past, if it isn’t already.

 

This communication revolution is not limited to the delivery of news or the provision of other information. Chat rooms, and more recently social networking sites, have allowed like-minded people to connect with each other and form communities that span traditional geographical and political boundaries. (The growing global hegemony of the English language has further enabled cross-national communications.) As a result, it has become much harder to define just what a “community” is—but much simpler to organize one. 

 

It is this participatory nature of the internet that has encouraged—and enabled—a wide array of political and civic activism. Early in the development of the web, naysayers worried that the internet was encouraging people to become more solitary. They warned that people were being seduced by this new medium to withdraw from human and social interaction. In some cases, that was undoubtedly true. (Of course, books have seduced people ever since Gutenberg invented the printing press, allowing the distribution of serious literature and obscenity; it’s well to remember that printed porn preceded online porn by centuries.) For many people, the internet has not prompted a retreat from human community. It has instead been an “enabler” of community-building, facilitating a great wave of political and community organizing. It has become a mechanism for finding like-minded people we didn’t previously know, even though they might have been living just down the street.  “Meetings” on line have led to internet-facilitated “Meet Ups” and other face-to-face interactions in service of particular social and political goals.

 

In the political realm, especially, the transformation has been dramatic. As the Pew Project on the Internet and American Life has documented, in 2008 a record-breaking 46% of Americans have used the internet, email or cell phone text messaging to get news about political campaigns, to share their views, and to mobilize others. Pew researchers found that 35% of Americans had watched online political videos (triple the number who had done so in 2004). Eleven percent had forwarded or posted someone else’s commentary on the Presidential race. The impact of You-Tube and other video sharing sites has been particularly consequential.

 

A telling example of the change You Tube has wrought in the political landscape was the widely reported “macaca” moment of Senator George Allen during the 2006 campaign season. Allen, who was running for re-election to the Senate from Virginia, was considered a shoo-in for re-election, and a strong contender for the 2008 Republican Presidential nomination. While delivering a speech to a small gathering in rural Virginia, he pointed out a volunteer from his opponent’s campaign, who was videotaping his talk. Here’s a news story about the encounter:

"This fellow here, over here with the yellow shirt, macaca, or whatever his name is. He’s with my opponent. He’s following us around everywhere. And it’s just great," Allen said, as his supporters began to laugh. After saying that Webb was raising money in California with a "bunch of Hollywood movie moguls," Allen said, "Let’s give a welcome to macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia."[i] 

 

Depending on how it is spelled, the word macaca can mean either a monkey that inhabits the Eastern Hemisphere or a town in South Africa. In some European cultures, macaca is also considered a racial slur against African immigrants. The Webb volunteer (an American whose parents had emigrated from India) promptly uploaded the videotape of Allen’s remarks to You Tube; a mere three days later, it had been downloaded and viewed 334,254 times. It was picked up and endlessly replayed on the evening news. Print media across the country reported on the controversy, and radio talk show hosts argued about the meaning of the word macaca, and whether Allen had intended a slur. (Allen’s own clumsy attempts to “explain away” the reference didn’t help.) Investigative reporters whose curiosity had been piqued by the controversy dug up evidence of prior racially charged incidents involving Allen—incidents that they would not have looked for in the absence of the controversy.

 

By November, James Webb—initially dismissed as a long-shot candidate with little chance of defeating a popular sitting Senator—was the new Senator from Virginia, and “macaca moment” had entered the political lexicon as shorthand for a gaffe captured on video. 

 

 

In the 2008 Presidential campaign, “viral videos” were front and center. Singer-songwriter will.i.am of the group Black-Eyed Peas created a music video, “Yes We Can,” based upon a phrase from Barack Obama’s speeches. For a time, it was everywhere—forwarded and re-forwarded until literally millions of Americans had seen it. Humorous and not-so-humorous videos promoting and panning the candidates were ubiquitous. Campaign rumors (and worse) were endlessly forwarded, circulated and recirculated. John McCain, who admitted never using a computer, and who displayed some discomfort with the new media environment, was on several occasions caught off-guard by an internet campaign documenting “flip-flops” in his positions with videos showing him delivering inconsistent statements.

 

I will admit I found it very troubling to think that a person who was admittedly unfamiliar with the single most consequential innovation of our time might have been elected to lead this country; I would argue that failure to understand the impact of the internet is failure to understand the world we live in. This was undoubtedly the point of a pro-Obama blogger’s characterization of  McCain as “an analog candidate for a digital age.” All of the political candidates made extensive use of email to raise funds, organize volunteers, counter charges, announce endorsements and rally their respective bases, at a tiny fraction of the cost of direct mail. (Reference Moveon.org’s “customized” GOTV ad.)

 

The impact of all this would be difficult to exaggerate, and those of us who want to use these new technologies to advance our policy preferences are still struggling to understand and make the most effective use of them.    

 

To give you a sense of how quickly the technology has changed the political environment, let me just relate one story.

 

In 2004, a post on Politico, a popular political weblog, read as follows:

“Democracy in America is changing. A new force, rooted in new tools and practices built on and around the Internet, is rising along the old system of capital-intensive broadcast politics. Today, for almost no money, anyone can be a reporter, a community organizer, an ad-maker, a publisher, a money-raiser or a leader. If what they have to say is compelling, it will spread.”

In a post dated just four years later, in June of 2008, the authors of the original post looked back at those words, and marveled that—if anything—they had vastly underestimated the degree of political and social change the new medium would usher in.

 

“We’ve lost count of all the national figures that have been affected by online activism. Millions of small donors, people giving less than $200 per donation, have flooded into the presidential campaign process. Far more people are making, watching and sharing online content—from blogs to video—than are visiting the candidates online websites. And well more than half the electorate, especially the young, is relying on the internet rather than traditional news sources such as newspapers or TV, for political information.”

 

The results of this sea change were beginning to be evident in the Howard Dean campaign, in 2004, but they have been especially apparent in the 2008 Presidential campaign. It is hard to imagine that Barack Obama could have defeated Hillary Clinton, the establishment candidate for the Democratic nomination, or that he could have gone on to win an overwhelming victory against John McCain, without his highly sophisticated use of the internet to organize volunteers and raise previously unheard-of sums of money.  The internet has thus seemingly accomplished what successive legislative efforts to reform campaign finance failed to do: it has eliminated candidate’s reliance on large donors and the disproportionate influence that accompanied that reliance.

 

It would be a mistake, however, to think that fundraising is the only political change effected by the internet. The ability to communicate cheaply and almost instantaneously with millions of people, the ability to link up campaign volunteers, and the ability to both spread and counter misinformation have all had a profound impact on our political process, and will continue to change our political, civic and personal relationships in ways we cannot yet fully anticipate or appreciate. Our common civic landscape is also undergoing profound transformation, becoming more accessible, more “lateral” and more democratic. We won’t know the precise contours of that transformation for many years, but its impact cannot be overstated.

 

How many of you forward political/humorous emails?

How many of you in this room read blogs?

How many of you blog yourselves? Post or comment?

How many use Facebook or MySpace? Have friends “recruited” you to

            join their causes? 

Anyone here who has hosted a meetup, or organized a small-p political

            event via the internet?

 

What have you found to be the most effective communication?

 

CONCLUDE: Looking at the experiences/reports/research of the past couple of years, what appears at this point to be most effective is the marriage of technology and traditional grass-roots organizing. (Example of GOTV/bar codes). The people and organizations that are making the most effective use of new communication technology are using that technology to do a more efficient and effective job of time-honored political organizing—they aren’t replacing grass-roots efforts, they are amplifying them and making them more effective and efficient. At the end of the day, these new communications technologies are like power tools—if you want to build a wood table, you still have to create a plan or template, you still have to measure carefully, cut the wood to the correct dimensions and so forth. The new power saw just makes cutting easier.

 

Those of us who want to accomplish a social goal still have to have a clear mission, and a strategic plan. We still have to enlist volunteers, raise necessary funds, and persuade the relevant policymakers. The difference is that we have new tools available to help us implement our plans and achieve our goals. If we use those tools properly and creatively, they can magnify our efforts. What they cannot do is replace those efforts, or make up for bad planning. It really is a case of “the more things change, the more they stay the same.”  



 

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