One of the newsletters I get is In the Public Interest. The most recent one considered the lessons the Los Angeles fires ought to teach us. Don Cohen wrote something so compelling–and so true–that I am quoting it verbatim and at length:
The fires put into stark relief the principles that underlie our work: There are things that government must do and which only government can do. It is the public acting in the public interest.
The more than 7,500 fire fighters and emergency personnel from across the country who have been working around the clock battling these blazes are public employees. They are the ones heading toward the flames when everyone is fleeing. More than 1,000 incarcerated individuals who have volunteered to join emergency crews for 24-hour shifts for about $26 a day are also fighting the fires—our gratitude for their efforts shouldn’t dismiss the deep concerns we have about the program and policies that lead to it.
The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is, as its title states, a federal agency. It’s what we created that shows that we are all equally invested in handling the aftermath of emergencies, whether we live in hurricane alley, or the path of wildfires. FEMA is already helping, providing the wide range of emergency services that no private, for-profit entity can afford to do. And yet it’s been the subject of constant criticism and misinformation from the right. FEMA currently covers 75 percent of the cost of a national emergency; Project 2025 proposes reducing that to 25 percent.
And, yes, climate change is part of the reason for the severity and spread of the fire, and scrubbing the phrase from the statements of federal agencies, as conservatives have advocated, or calling it a hoax, won’t change the facts.
The fires underscore that land development and water management are not concerns that can be simply left to the market. The market maximizes profit in the shortest time frame. That is not what will build a sustainable Los Angeles of the 21st Century. The future of cities and the entire nation shouldn’t be left up to billionaires, like the one who hired private firefighters to keep his own shopping center safe, and then launched his mayoral campaign.
To say these things doesn’t “politicize” the crisis—the politics are already there. We are always in a fight for what we believe our responsibility is to one another in our communities and in society at large. That fight will get harder, no doubt, as conservatives pledge to drain government of its ability to act broadly for the common good. But we also have faith that more and more people will come to understand the importance of a government that works for us all, not just the very wealthy.
One of the saddest aspects of America’s current political divide is the widespread lack of understanding of the role–the purpose–of government. (I used to ask my undergraduate Law and Policy students to define “government” and its purpose. Most could not do so.)
A proper definition is critical, because political philosophy defines legitimacy as government acting in a manner consistent with its proper purposes.
There’s widespread agreement that government is supposed to prevent the strong from taking advantage of the weak, although the extent of that task is contested. Americans mostly agree, for example, that government should prevent obvious harms–theft, battery, murder, rape, etc. etc.–but that agreement dissipates when corporate activities harm smaller enterprises through monopolies or harm communities through improper disposal of toxic waste materials or other unfair commercial practices.
There is even less agreement when it comes to government’s role in the economy. Ideally–as the cited material suggests–government is our instrument for providing services the market cannot supply or cannot supply in a cost-effective manner. We socialize those services: police and fire departments, provision of roads and bridges and street lights, etc. There are large parts of our common lives that markets are simply unsuited to serve– and situations where leaving a service to the market is unnecessarily expensive and wildly unfair (health) or undermines national cohesion and civic unity (education).
The basic economic questions all societies must answer are: what sorts of tasks should be done collectively, by the mechanism called government, and which tasks are better left to the marketplace? How much authority should government have to monitor and regulate that marketplace, and for what purposes?
These days, to the dismay of citizens and political scientists alike, we must grapple instead with a different question: what should citizens do when those in power refuse to debate those questions in good faith, and simply use government to empower and enrich themselves?
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