Another Kind of Polarization?

In a column justt before the South Carolina primary, David Brooks relayed a number of conversations with Republican primary voters. His treatment of them was what one might expect of the always civil Brooks–sympathetic and respectful.

But one line in particular struck me.  After commenting on the nostalgia expressed by several voters, Brooks noted that such sentiments–however understandable–make for “an incredibly backward-looking campaign. I sometimes wonder if the Republican Party has become the receding roar of white America as it pines for a way of life that will never return.”

As if to underline that observation, yesterday a number of people posted to Facebook an exit poll that broke down the composition of the GOP primary electorate–how many males, how many females, how many who self-identified as Evangelical, etc.

South Carolina is 26% black. The racial composition of South Carolina’s GOP primary voters was 99% white.

Whatever conclusions one might draw from those numbers, one seems pretty safe. In a country that continues to diversify, a political party that cannot appeal to Americans of all races and ethnicities has no future. If and when the demographics of South Carolina’s GOP reflect the demographics of the national Republican party, the party’s over.

Comments

The Rabbi Had a Point

One of my favorite stories is the one about the Rabbi of a small shtetl, or village, who was asked to mediate a quarrel between two residents. He listened to one side intently, then said, “yes, you are right.” Then he listened to the other man’s position, and said “yes, you are right.” A bystander protested. “Rabbi, they can’t both be right!” To which the Rabbi replied, “You also are correct.”

What I love about that story is that it underscores a point often missed in our toxic political culture: no one has a monopoly on being right. Or wrong. As I frequently remind my students, reality can be complicated. The right answer will often depend on context, on factual distinctions and how the question is framed.

Over the weekend, I read David Brooks’ new book, The Social Animal and it reminded me of the Rabbi’s lesson. The book is excellent; it deserves the plaudits it has received. I don’t necessarily agree with every conclusion he draws from the considerable research he has consulted about the nature of the human animal, but his is a plausible, reasonable reading of available evidence.

At the end of the day–for me at least–the book made a case for a more social, more communitarian approach to government. I have long been leery of communitarianism, the argument that we are all socially embedded creatures who require an agreement about the ultimate ends of life. (The practical problem with communitarians is that many of them tend to be statists who would hand over to government the power to choose our life goals.   Marxists tried that and it wasn’t pretty.)

On the other hand, it’s hard to deny that we have traveled a very long way toward radical individualism, and those results aren’t pretty either.

If the Rabbi were mediating this debate, he might say to the libertarians among us  “You are right that the state should not prescribe your beliefs and social behaviors.” He might also say to the communitarians “You are right that humans need a community to be a part of, a community that you help support and that helps support you”

Onlookers might protest that both things can’t be right, but in this case, I think they would be wrong.

Begging to Differ

David Brooks is one of the few remaining conservative columnists whose commentary is always rational. I may agree or disagree with the substance of any given column, but Brooks is a remnant of the days when liberals and conservatives disagreed about aspects of a shared reality–unlike today, when they appear to inhabit different solar systems.

It is in that vein that I want to take issue with a column Brooks wrote earlier this week, in which he suggested that the health reform debate is really a debate over competing values, which he defined as additional security on the one hand versus social “vitality” on the other. He seemed to be echoing (albeit in a far more reasonable fashion) cultural arguments over the  “Europeanization” of America–the argument that our entreprenuerial energy will slowly give way to a wave of genteel European social welfarism, and in the process will somehow destroy our “special” American character.

I get the argument, but I think Brooks’ central assumption is faulty.

As any economist will tell you, the largest single drag on job creation and entreprenuerial activity in the US today is the cost of providing health care. We are currently the only advanced country where health insurance continues to be provided primarily through employers–an aspect of the current landscape that current healthcare reform proposals will not change, unfortunately.

The business sector currently spends an amount in excess of its net profits to provide  health insurance for employees. The difference between what it costs an employer to create a new position and the amount that employee actually receives is sometimes called the employment “wedge.” As health costs and insurance premiums escalate, the wedge grows larger, and inhibits hiring additional workers. In good economic times, that is troubling; in times like these, it can be catastrophic.

For the shrinking number of companies that can afford to offer health insurance, negotiating and administering medical benefits, and complying with the government regulations attendant to them, consumes untold hours of HR time. This is a drag on productivity—a generator of overhead costs that reduce profits and divert effort away from the core business operations. Single-payer would remove those costs and that burden, but even the inadequate proposals contained in the Senate bill would significantly ameliorate them.

Then there is competitiveness. If you don’t think that healthcare reform would be economically significant, let me share an example. In the case of our struggling auto industry, amounts paid for employee health add somewhere between 1800 and 2000 of the price of each new car. No wonder American automakers have found it difficult to remain competitive! (In the single payer systems with which we compete, not only are those product costs eliminated, but  doctors’ expenses are reduced as well: currently, medical offices spend considerable sums on personnel whose only job is dealing with insurers—confirming coverage, complying with insurer regulations, submitting claims on multiple different forms and collecting amounts due.) Doctors and employers alike could save millions of dollars each year just by standardizing insurance forms!

Smaller companies—the real engines of economic growth and job creation, the “entreprenuers” about whom Brooks is so worried—are increasingly unable to offer benefits, and that puts them at a competitive disadvantage when they try to hire good employees. If health coverage were de-coupled from employment, the United States would become a much more attractive location for new businesses, and incentives to outsource production to overseas workers would be reduced. (Not too long ago, Toyota was looking for a site for a new factory in North America. Several southern states were offering tax abatements, infrastructure improvements and other incentives worth millions. Toyota decided to go to Canada, which was not offering anything. When asked why, the company explained that in Canada, they didn’t need to provide healthcare.) We aren’t going to solve that problem any time soon, but almost everyone I know has a story about someone who wanted to start a business, but couldn’t due to an inability to get reasonably-priced health insurance, or any at all.

Contrary to Brooks’ assumption, rationalizing American healthcare, and removing the burden of providing insurance from employers, would unleash a new era of productivity and usher in an entreprenuerial renewal.

Comments