When Trump first began issuing his blatantly unconstitutional Executive Orders, Women4Change Indiana–recognizing that simply labeling an Order unconstitutional lacked substance– asked me to draft “quick and dirty” explanations of why these Orders deserved that label. I agreed, and proceeded to offer brief explanations I titled “Your Constitutional Minute” which the organization posted to its website.
As we hurtle into even more uncharted waters–as we discover that our rogue Supreme Court is far less interested in protecting our constitutional liberties than either their predecessor or the lower courts–I thought it might be useful to share some of those posts, so that readers might draw their own conclusions about the increasingly dangerous legal territory we inhabit.
Let’s just look at the first of those “Constitutional Minutes.”
Section One of the 14th Amendment reads as follows:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Donald Trump’s Executive Order, in pertinent part, reads:
It is the policy of the United States that no department or agency of the United States government shall issue documents recognizing United States citizenship, or accept documents issued by State, local, or other governments or authorities purporting to recognize United States citizenship, to persons: (1) when that person’s mother was unlawfully present in the United States and the person’s father was not a United States citizen or lawful permanent resident at the time of said person’s birth, or (2) when that person’s mother’s presence in the United States was lawful but temporary, and the person’s father was not a United States citizen or lawful permanent resident at the time of said person’s birth.
The Law:
A president cannot repeal part of the Constitution by executive order. Congress cannot repeal a Constitutional provision by passing a new law. Amending the Constitution requires a two-thirds vote in both the House and Senate, and subsequent ratification by three-quarters of the states.
Every statement in that brief explanation is accurate. Thus far, they all remain accurate. But the Supreme Court just undermined the application of the constitutional language–not by ruling that it doesn’t apply, but by issuing a ruling that will make it more difficult for people to claim its protection.
The Court did not rule on the merits of Trump’s effort to undermine the clear language of the 14th Amendment. Instead, the majority addressed a procedural question: whether lower federal courts have the authority under the Judiciary Act of 1789 to issue nationwide injunctions. Injunctions are judicial orders that block government actions, and nation-wide injunctions block such actions against everyone, not just the plaintiffs. In other words, if a court finds a government action to be unconstitutional, a national injunction prohibits the government from taking that action anywhere–not just in the state or circuit in which the case arose.
By a 6–3 vote, the Court—led by Justice Amy Coney Barrett—held that district courts generally lack the power to grant nationwide injunctions if that relief is broader than necessary to provide “complete relief” to the plaintiffs who brought the case. The Court granted the government’s request for a partial stay of the nationwide injunctions against Trump’s clearly improper birthright-citizenship Executive Order—although “only insofar as the injunctions exceeded the scope” needed to grant relief to the plaintiff in the lawsuit.
Confused? It was intentional.
Basically, the Court declined to agree that Trump could change the clear language of the 14th Amendment. That outcome was predictable, given the clear language of the Amendment and the history of its jurisprudence. So the radical members of the majority helped the autocrat in the White House by undermining the available remedy.
Justice Sonia Sotomayor called the decision out for what it was, in a dissent joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson. Saying that “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates,” Sotomayor wrote “Today, the threat is to birthright citizenship. Tomorrow, a different administration may try to seize firearms from law abiding citizens or prevent people of certain faiths from gathering to worship… That holding renders constitutional guarantees meaningful in name only for any individuals who are not parties to a lawsuit.”
In law school, we learn that there is no right without a remedy.
Welcome to Trump’s America.
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