Category Archives: Random Blogging

Cutting Through The C**p

If I see another “study” attempting to describe the different motives of those who support Donald Trump, I will once again engage my (not-so-inner) potty-mouth.

The most recent example I’ve come across was a description of a study purporting to describe four different varieties of Trump voter. Here’s the crux of the study’s “scholarly” conclusion:

About 29 percent of 2024 Trump voters are what we call the “MAGA Hardliners.” These are the fiery core of Trump’s base, mostly composed of white Gen Xers and Baby Boomers, who are animated by the belief that God is on their side in America’s existential struggle between good and evil. Then there are the “Anti-Woke Conservatives” (21 percent): a more secular and affluent group of voters deeply frustrated by what they perceive as the takeover of schools, culture, and institutions by the progressive left. Another 30 percent are the “Mainline Republicans”: a more racially diverse group of middle-of-the-road conservatives who prioritize border security, a strong economy, and cultural stability. Finally, we have the “Reluctant Right” (20 percent). Members of this group, unlike the other three, are not necessarily part of Trump’s base; they voted for him, but have ambivalent feelings toward him. Only half identify as Republicans, and many picked Trump because he seemed “less bad” than the alternative.

Any reasonable look at those “differences” will note the common thread that unites them, the overwhelming grievance that allows them to ignore–or even cheer–Trump’s ignorance and venality, his increasing dementia, and his destruction of America’s constitution at home and influence abroad. 

That common thread is a deep-seated racism. 

Let’s look at all four of those categories. The first, the MAGA Hardliners, are described politely; they are rather clearly White “Christian” nationalists. Project 2025 mapped out their preferred society–a society where God has installed  White males in positions of authority, where women are returned to the kitchen and bedroom, and people of color who are allowed to remain in the country are properly subservient.

“Anti-woke conservatives” are assigned to a second, presumably separate category. Everything we need to know about them is in the “anti-woke” descriptor. They are only different from the White “Christian” nationalists because they don’t attribute their racism to a god. They may be more educated and more secular, they may even be more circuitous when expressing their hatreds, but they are every bit as racist as the MAGA Hardliners.

Calling the third group “Mainline Republicans” is a slur on those who could formerly have been described that way– genuinely traditional “mainline” Republicans have mostly departed from today’s GOP, leaving the “mainline” moniker to those who were formerly on the fringe. They are, according to the description, concerned with “border security, a strong economy, and cultural stability.” Border security and “cultural stability” are the give-aways here: securing the border means “keep Black and Brown folks out of the U.S.” “Cultural stability” is code for keeping White Christian male status dominant.

And that fourth group–the voters who chose to give the nation’s nuclear codes to a clearly unfit buffoon who had been found guilty of multiple felonies and rape because he was the “lesser of two bad choices?” Come on! Kamala Harris was only a lesser choice to people who could not bring themselves to vote for a Black woman (a Black woman married to a Jew, no less!)

These aren’t different constituencies. At most, they’re different varieties of racists.

And credit where credit is due: the one promise Trump has kept is his promise to emulate the Nazis. He hasn’t brought down the price of eggs or other groceries, hasn’t kept America out of foreign military engagements, and certainly hasn’t made America great. He and Stephen Miller and the assortment of clowns, misfits and outright psychopaths he has assembled have pursued an unrelenting attack on DEI, on “wokeness,” on accurate history, and on anyone perceived as an enemy of the would-be King of (some) White folks.

Now, Trump’s administration has unleashed its very own Gestapo–directed at cities in Blue states that failed to vote for him. Actually, Trump has gone one better than Hitler– Gestapo thugs didn’t wear masks.

Sane-washing takes lots of forms. For far too long, the media has tried to portray insanity and corruption as just one set of political positions, while academics have attempted to “slice and dice” MAGA supporters into more and less reprehensible categories. Those efforts are another kind of mask–one that keeps us from seeing the extent of the fascism we face.

Purveyors of “making nice” need to cut the crap and face up to the very ugly evidence of where we are right now.

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Let’s Send J.D. Ford To Congress

For the last couple of terms, Indiana’s Fifth Congressional District has been “represented” (note quotation marks) by Victoria Spartz. I will refrain from characterizing the Congresswoman, since I live in Indiana’s Seventh Congressional district (where I am very happy with my own Congressman, Andre Carson). I’ll just link to a 2025 Town Hall meeting at which her constituents–in a district she’s helping to turn from Red to Purple–roundly booed her performance in office.

I will also share that I was delighted when, a week or so ago, J.D. Ford announced he’d be running against Spartz. J.D. is one of the more thoughtful members of Indiana’s terrible state legislature. (I know–being “more thoughtful” than the MAGA culture warriors who dominate that body is faint praise…But J.D. has been an informed and hardworking member of the Indiana Senate since he was elected to that body in 2018.)

When I saw the announcement, I dug through my past posts to retrieve what I had written when J.D. first opposed then-incumbent Mike Delph. As he prepares to run against an equally unsuitable incumbent, I thought I would share that post.

At a recent candidate forum, J.D. Ford–who is running against Mike Delph–made what should have been one of those “duh, yeah, we learned that in high school civics” observations: when businesses open their doors to the public, that constitutes an obligation to serve all members of that public.

There is a reciprocal relationship–a social contract– between business and government. The government (which collects taxes from everyone in its jurisdiction, no matter their race, religion or sexual orientation) uses those tax dollars to provide services. Those services are an essential infrastructure for the American businesses that must ship goods over publicly-financed roads, depend upon police and fire departments for safety, and (in some cities, at least) public transportation to bring workers and customers to their premises.

As Ford noted, business that want to discriminate– who want to pick and choose which members of the public they will serve–are violating that social contract. They want the services that are supported by the tax dollars of all segments of the public, but they don’t want to live up to their end of the bargain.

Where Ford (and I) see fundamental fairness, Mike Delph (surprise, surprise!) sees religious intolerance.

“I was saddened to hear him express such intolerance for those of us that hold deep religious conviction,” Delph told The Star. “Religious liberty is a fundamental American ideal.”

Let’s call this the bull*** that it is.

If your religious beliefs preclude you from doing business with gays, or Jews, or blacks, then don’t open a retail establishment. Don’t enter into a contract knowing that you will not honor its terms.

Religious liberty allows you to hold any beliefs you want. It allows you to preach those beliefs in the streets, and to refuse to socialize with people of whom you disapprove. You have the right to observe the rules of your particular religion in your home and church, and the government cannot interfere. But when you use religious beliefs–no matter how sincere–to disadvantage people who are entitled to expect equal treatment, when you use those beliefs as an excuse not to uphold your end of the social contract, that’s a bridge too far.

It would be wonderful to have an Indiana Congressional Representative who clearly understands that basic constitutional principle.

Important as that is, my enthusiastic support isn’t based only that essential understanding.

During his time in the Indiana Senate, Ford has demonstrated the ability to get things done, even as a member of the minority. He’s served as Caucus Chair of the Indiana Senate Democrats, and during the 2024 and 2025 legislative sessions, served on a variety of committees, including Education and Career Development, Elections, Ethics, Family and Children Services, the Health and Provider Services, Local Government, and Rules and Legislative Procedures committees.

And unlike Spartz, who has a reputation for public outbursts and confrontations with colleagues and staff,  and for a management style politely described as “dysfunctional” (a style that has contributed to high levels of staff turnover and general lack of effectiveness), J.D. has modeled appropriate legislative behavior.

He’s also a really nice guy.

Fifth District voters– if you send J.D. Ford to Congress, you won’t have to yell at him in Town Hall meetings….

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Epistemic Breakdown

Epistemic breakdown is a fancy way of saying “destruction of a shared reality.” As a recent essay pointed out, that destruction is politically useful.

We’ve just seen an example in the administration’s propaganda about the murder of Renee Good. “Don’t believe your lying eyes”– believe the “revised” reality we offer instead. But that example is a small part of a sustained assault.

If–like so many Americans–you’ve found the administration’s attacks on science and education mystifying, the essay offers a frightening and detailed explanation.

If you can convince a large segment of the population that experts cannot be trusted, institutions are corrupt, objective truth doesn’t exist, and loyalty matters more than evidence, then power no longer depends on performance or results. It depends on identity and obedience.

Science, especially, has characteristics that the author notes are fatal to authoritarian politics: it produces falsifiable claims that can be tested, and if found to be wrong, require us to update our beliefs. Science is also institutionally distributed. No single leader controls it. Like most scholarship, it requires peer review and subsequent replication. And–importantly–research undermines what the essay calls “charismatic authority.” Scholars and data don’t demand loyalty.

Authoritarian movements cannot survive in an environment where people accept that some claims are simply false, expertise matters, and reality constrains power. So science isn’t debated, it’s delegitimized.

Anti-vaccine rhetoric is particularly effective because vaccines sit at the intersection of government authority, personal autonomy, fear of harm, complex science, and immediate bodily stakes. That makes them ideal for narrative manipulation.

Anti-vax rhetoric accomplishes several things simultaneously: it reframes public health as tyranny, converts inconvenience into persecution, turns expertise into elitism, casts personal feeling as equal to evidence, and creates an “us versus them” moral divide.

Once that framing is accepted, any future policy can be painted the same way: climate action, election integrity, court decisions, civil rights protections.

The essay makes a further point that is hard to believe, given the sheer incompetence and lunacy on display in this administration: the author claims that the lies are often “deliberately obvious.” The objective is a demonstration of loyalty; those who accept the blatant lies prove their loyalty. Those who reject or dispute them self-identify as outsiders, as people who cannot be trusted. As the author points out, this is a tactic used in cults and authoritarian regimes. “The lie becomes a bonding ritual, not a claim about reality.”

When propaganda and lies are understood in this way, it becomes clear why “fact-checking” doesn’t work.

The endless cycle of “Trump said X, but actually Y” doesn’t expose the strategy, it amplifies it. Every fact-check is free publicity. Every debunking is another news cycle. The lie has already done its work by the time anyone “corrects” it.

From a power perspective, this strategy delivers a base that cannot be peeled away by evidence, immunity from scandal or failure, a permanent grievance engine, justification for extraordinary measures, and a population conditioned to accept coercion “in defense of freedom.”

It also creates an enemy class: scientists, journalists, doctors, judges, educators. Once labeled as corrupt, they can be ignored, sidelined, or purged.

The essay provides a long list of the way the strategy has been–and is being–employed, and it will look very familiar to those of us who have been blindsided by assertions that are self-evidently bonkers: vaccines don’t work, elections have been rigged, public schools are indoctrinating our children, etc. etc.

Historians are just beginning to trace the way in which the Right has developed and pursued  this strategy over the past 50 years. (The essay includes a timeline, and it names names.) It didn’t start as a coherent plan, but it developed into one over time. As the timeline shows, the destruction of Americans’ shared reality wasn’t random or accidental–it was built systematically “by specific people making specific moves at specific times, each building on what came before.”

The author breaks the history down into segments: the blueprint, the think-tank infrastructure, the merging of religion and politics, the building of the political machine, and so on. You really need to click through and read the lengthy essay in its entirety–it explains what the author calls the “parallel reality structure” we now inhabit–built by a stolen Supreme Court and nurtured by constant norm destruction, media capture, and Project 2025.

When courts enable rather than restrain, legislatures normalize rather than confront, executives reward loyalty over law, media profits from distortion, and capital hedges instead of resists, elite-led correction becomes structurally improbable.

For U.S. democracy to survive, enough ordinary Americans need to make authoritarianism too costly.

I know it’s long, but read the whole thing.

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Cities

Wonder why Trump sends his SS troops–aka ICE–to cities? And why the people who live in those cities can be counted on to mount a resistance?

The nation’s cities are Blue, of course–studies show that every urban area over half a million people votes Democratic. There’s evidently something about density, about living near other people, that makes folks more likely to be “woke”– a term that actually denotes a degree of humanity and tolerance utterly lacking in the MAGA base. (There’s even data showing that people who live in more dense areas of America’s small towns tend to be more liberal than those in the more sparsely populated neighborhoods of those same towns.)

The American Prospect recently addressed the administration’s hatred of America’s cities. Harold Meyerson writes that

For leaders in search of uniform compliance, cities are inherently troublesome. They are, by their very nature, diverse: It’s cities to which both foreign and domestic immigrants flock, because it’s cities where there’s work. Worse yet, most successful cities foster some level of cross-group tolerance, or even, in the best cases, cross-group solidarity, as a necessary modus vivendi for keeping a city up and running. Partly in consequence, cities develop distinct cultures reflective of their diversity and their urbanity.

That’s why the current generation of our planet’s autocrats often lack support from their nations’ cities. Budapest has never voted for Viktor Orbán; Istanbul is a thorn in the side of Recep Erdoğan. A Muslim Labourite has been mayor of London since 2016, even as no major American city can be found that’s voted for Donald Trump in any of the past three presidential elections.

Of course, as Meyerson points out, Orbán hasn’t sent troops into Budapest, and Erdoğan hasn’t tried to subdue Istanbul. Our mad would-be king is threatening to invoke the Insurrection Act and to send the Army into Minneapolis to protect his SS troops while they seize people who, as Meyerson says, “look suspiciously brown.”

If there was any doubt that ICE is a recreation of the Gestapo, its recruitment materials –rife with retreads of Nazi slogans–should disabuse us of that doubt. The administration is clearly aiming to attract white nationalists who share a hatred for the diversity that characterizes the nation’s urban centers.

Meyerson says comparisons with the Gestapo and the Klan are incomplete– that a glance through history provides other apt comparisons: Trump as a 21st-century version of Attila or Genghis Khan,

heading a horde that is defined by an exterminationist loathing of cities and all that they stand for and promote. Their diversity, their toleration, their culture, their solidarity across racial and other lines—all are threats to the horde’s and its ruler’s autocratic monoculture.

That attitude goes a long way toward explaining the administration’s inhumane response to the murder of city dwellers, and its immediate, blatantly dishonest characterizations of these victims.

The pictures coming out of Minneapolis–the videos captured by cell phone cameras and photojournalists– are mind-blowing. The reactions of the legitimate, elected officials of the city and state have not only been entirely appropriate, they’ve echoed the reactions of those of us who never in a million years anticipated that we would live to see such things happen on the streets of an American city at the direction of an American president. Neither the Mayor nor the Governor has held back–both have “told it like it is.”

And “like it is” is shocking and heartbreaking.

For years, the extremist fringe on the political Right has lusted for a race war. Most rational Americans have gone about our businesses ignoring that fringe and its threats, dismissing the White Supremacists and Neo-Nazis as mentally ill and assuming that these deranged folks represented a small minority. Thankfully, they are a minority, but a majority of Americans failed to vote in 2024, and they were able to elect one of their own.

And he has assembled an administration composed of people who are just as profoundly sick and malevolent as he is.

In the absence of a functioning Congress and an honorable Supreme Court, it increasingly looks as if it will be up to those of us in the cities–the urban folks Trump hates– to power the resistance and reclaim the America that respected and obeyed the Constitution and the rule of law.

Minneapolis is leading the way.

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Then And Now

A good friend with whom I lunch regularly used to be a high school history teacher. She is tormented by what she sees as clear parallels between Nazi Germany in the 1930s and America under Trump, and for anyone familiar with that history, it’s hard to disagree with her.

I thought about our conversations when I read a recent guest essay in the New York Times.

The author began by sharing his recollection of rooting through a pile of items in a flea market in the early 1940s, and finding an old diary–the product of a German soldier from WWII. As he wrote, he might have missed it, but being Jewish, books adorned with eagles perched on swastikas tended to catch his eye.

The diary was in German, which he couldn’t read, but it was the black-and-white photographs of the soldier’s life that interested him: the diarist’s photo in his sharp new uniform, pictures with his fellow soldiers, others with what appeared to be his family at a festive dinner, and several of the soldier with a pretty young woman–perhaps his wife or girlfriend.

What was most notable was what I didn’t find: There were no photos of death camps, or mass graves, or starving prisoners. Instead, there was one of him with his parents in front of their house. Proud.

The absence of any visual representation of the horrors being visited on Germany’s Jews (and gays and gypsies..) reminded the author of his family’s characterization of Germans. All Germans. His grandparents’ families had been murdered in the Holocaust, and to them, all Germans were “hateful, fascist murderers — fools who could be led by a fearmonger to commit atrocities he claimed were necessary and good.”

His family often expressed thankfulness that “we were not like them.” Americans were different.

I recalled that certainty in recent days, reading about the murder of Renee Nicole Good. I read about how the Trump administration quickly labeled her a terrorist. About how federal officials blocked the investigation by the state of Minnesota. About how our leaders accused her of trying to ram an Immigrations and Customs Enforcement agent when the videos of the incident seemed to clearly show otherwise. “Who are you going to believe,” asked Chico Marx, “me or your own eyes?” I suppose, in the eyes of this administration, that makes me a Marxist now.

None of this surprised me. After all, the shooting was just one day after the administration published a propaganda website saying the Jan. 6 insurrection was the fault of the Democrats and the Capitol Police.

As the author then writes, any belief that “Americans are different” will be rebutted by a visit to social media.

On several social media platforms, he encountered Americans who believed the Trump administration without question, who repeated the government accusations that Good was a “paid agitator” who got what she deserved, that the armed agent was a hero, “defending his nation from undesirables.” 

Past or present, it’s not the leaders who disappoint me. It’s the led…

But I miss those days.

I miss the comfort of believing Germans were different.

I miss believing that we Americans could never be led by a fearmonger to commit atrocities he claimed were necessary and good.

I miss believing we are not like them.

I could have written that essay–or something similar. I too was raised in a family horrified by the atrocities of the holocaust, and convinced that there must be something twisted and different in the German psyche that allowed ordinary Germans to ignore the camps, the mass graves and smells from the crematoria, that allowed them to agree with their government that eradicating millions of people was for the good of the nation, that people who were different–people who worshipped differently or loved differently– were no better than vermin and that their extermination wasn’t cause for concern. 

There is one important difference between today’s America and Germany in the 1930s, and I cling to it. A huge percentage of Americans have seen the videos of Good’s murder, and the millions who aren’t substituting the administration’s propaganda for the evidence of their own eyes are taking to the streets. And Minnesota’s Governor made a magnificent speech in which he pulled no punches, praising the resistance in that state.

The country is being tested. And as I keep assuring my friend, I do believe a majority of Americans will prove to be different from the “good Germans” who closed their eyes and went along.

I sure hope I’m right…..

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