Membership Has its Privileges

Yesterday’s blog included a “you aren’t one of us” moment, and it got me thinking about the nature of membership and exclusion.

We all value membership–in a club, a society, a community, a polis. Political thinkers suggest that one of the stabilizing elements of a liberal democratic society is the widespread phenomenon of “cross-cutting” memberships; that is, the fact that we are all members of multiple, different communities. In my case, I’m a member of the Jewish community, the academic community, the downtown community, the legal community, etc. etc. At any given times, some of those ties are stronger or weaker, but the net effect is to embed me into a number of different (i.e. “cross-cutting”) groups. If that were not the case–if each of us belonged only to a single group–the liklihood of competition for power and comparative advantage between groups would cause constant conflict.

The bottom line to this theory is that the more groups in which we claim membership, the wider our perspective and the more inclusive our definition of “we.”

The problem is, in order to define membership, we have to be able to distinguish between those who belong and those who don’t. And therein lies an apparently inescapable problem.

If you think about it, human progress–or at least American progress–has been defined by extending social membership to people who were previously identified as “other.” The Irish, Catholics, Jews…and more recently and incompletely, Asians, Latinos and GLBT folks. Even women.

When people are “other,” when they are not members, not one of “us,” it becomes easy–and acceptable–to generalize about them and to demonize them. The Irish are all drunks, Catholics do the Pope’s bidding, Jews are shifty businesspeople, women are too emotional…Membership definitely has its privileges, and the most significant of those is acceptance into the group and the right to be judged on ones own merits, as an individual.

This all leads to a conundrum. With membership we also have exclusion and its negative consequences. Without membership, however, we lose cohesion. With no “we,” society becomes atomized, a collection of self-serving “I’s.” Exclusively nationalistic “we’s” can lead to fascism (defined as the identification of the individual with the state) or authoritarianism.

The trick is to find the proper balance–enough community within enough communities to give us comfort and generate mutual support, enough individualism to facilitate the exploration of our human distinctiveness. The Greeks called it “The Golden Mean.”

We have a way to go.

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I Think We Need Truth in Labeling

My best friend called me yesterday, fuming about a solicitation call she’d just received.

The woman caller identified herself as a volunteer for the Republican Party. She began by thanking my friend for her past, generous support of the GOP–and indeed, my friend was an active Republican voter and donor for many years. Her husband served two terms in the General Assembly as a Republican State Senator. However, like so many of my friends and family, she no longer supports the party, and when the woman at the other end of the phone asked whether she would consider a contribution, she said so.

“I’m a Democrat now,” she informed the volunteer. The volunteer (predictably) asked if she would share why she had left the GOP; my friend responded that she strongly disagreed with the party’s positions on social issues, especially abortion and homosexuality. It is not government’s job to decide whether you procreate, or who you love; the party used to understand that “limited” government meant limited to matters that are properly the province of the state.

There was a pause. The woman on the phone then asked “Don’t you think we should consider the will of god?  Shouldn’t the government have a role in ensuring that we live by what’s written in the bible?” to which my friend responded “Whose bible? Whose god?” Another pause, then the question: “are you a Christian?”  When my friend said she was not, the woman evidently had an “ah ha” moment, because she ended the conversation by saying “Oh, that explains it.” According to my friend, she might just as well have said, “Now I understand–you are not one of us.”

The conversation made it quite clear that, to this volunteer (and presumably others like her), the Republican party is no longer a political enterprise. It’s a religious movement, a party by and for Christians. Not just any Christian, either–it’s the party for what they call “bible-believing” Christians, the party of Rick Santorum and Mike Pence. If there are still those in the party who take a more traditional approach, who understand the purpose of politics to be participation in secular governance and political outreach to be the building of a bigger, more inclusive tent, they presumably hadn’t communicated that to this particular foot soldier.

The conversation simply confirmed the reality of today’s Republican party–a party consisting of what has been described as “a shrinking base of aging, ethnically monolithic, and geographically isolated voters.” Christian voters. Perhaps we could achieve more clarity in our political discourse if the GOP stopped trying to be coy, and just renamed itself the Christian Party. In its current iteration, it certainly isn’t the Republican Party that my friend and I used to support. That party disappeared a long time ago.

The volunteer on the other end of line simply confirmed its transformation.

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Pretty Brutal….

A couple of weeks ago, NYTimes columnist Gail Collins cited a poll in which ten percent of Americans self-reported a favorable view of communism, while only nine percent had a favorable view of Congress.

Lest you think she was making that up, here’s a graph displaying the results of a similar poll, with equally dismal results for our legislators.

When people have a higher opinion of head lice than they do to our elected Representatives, I think it’s safe to assume we’ve reached a high (or low) water mark of sorts. What was that theory about electoral politics and accountability?

Calling the Founding Fathers….

They’re Back….

Lock up the silver and hide the children’s eyes–the Indiana General Assembly is back in session.

The motley crew we citizens elect to what the late Harrison Ullmann used to call The World’s Worst Legislature is already hard at work on measures ranging from treatment of wild hogs to mandating the teaching of cursive writing. I’m sure their attention to these world-shattering issues reassures us all.

Most of the trivial, unwise and the just plain wacky proposals will eventually die in committee. I just hope that one bill in particular lands in that graveyard: the proposal to allow students to carry guns on campus.

This is the second time this proposal has surfaced, and it mystifies me. What problem, exactly, is this misguided measure intended to correct? What is the purpose of encouraging an armed student body? Has anyone considered the consequences of adding firearms to venues occupied by large groups of stressed-out college students, many still adolescent and hormonal?

I once was sued in Small Claims Court by a student to whom I had given a grade of B-. When he had exhausted the (extensive) campus appeal process without convincing anyone of the great indignity of that assessment, he brought suit. (In light of the stupidity thus displayed, I am convinced that the B- was a gift–but I digress.) Arm this unhinged young man, or others not unlike him, and he might well have skipped the lawsuit and just blown me away.

I’m one of those who would like to see some reasonable limits placed on access to guns. Like most people who advocate for more control, I have no illusions that we can rid American society of the millions of guns already out there, and frankly I have no great passion to confiscate them. But I get impatient, to say the least, with the utter paranoia of the gun fringe, with the NRA’s ridiculous belief–rebutted by all credible research–that the way to ensure public safety is to arm everyone.

I’ll tell you one thing that will happen if students are allowed to pack heat on campus. There will be a lot fewer professors willing to teach. Maybe that’s the real motive?

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The Accountability Conundrum

IUPUI’s Spring semester started yesterday. Mid-day, I convened 42 undergraduates, and last night faced 19 graduate students. As with all new classes, some students show promise and others not so much. Time will tell.

An interesting exchange in my graduate Law and Public Affairs class raised a question that has nagged at me since: I had asked the class to describe the differences they would expect to see between the behavior of public officials serving in an autocratic regime and those serving in a democratic one. How would the nature of the regime affect the practice of public service? A student suggested that accountability would be different–that in liberal democratic regimes like our own, public administrators are accountable to the people; in an autocratic system, accountability runs up the bureaucratic chain of command.

It was a good answer. In theory, he is exactly right. But in practice, the increasingly complex and technocratic nature of our government is making a mockery of genuine accountability in multiple arenas.

Take utility regulation. After I discussed the issues surrounding the coal gasification project in Southern Indiana, Grant Smith, Senior Energy Policy Advisor for the Civil Society Institute, wrote the following:

As Indiana enters the 2013 legislative session, the influence of the investor-owned gas and electric utility companies looms large.  Not that they didn’t have influence before.  Whether the Democrats or Republicans have control of the Indiana House (the Indiana Senate was gerrymandered into a permanent Republican stronghold long ago), utility companies and their friends in the coal industry (namely, Peabody Energy) dominate the discussion.

Their lobbyists walk with swagger and always seem unusually relaxed in the heat of the session.  They are able to reflect this air of serenity because they are enabled.  They are enabled by state regulators at the Indiana Utility Regulatory Commission as well as many legislators on both sides of the aisle.

The legislature has failed to pass pro-ratepayer legislation on behalf of residential and business customers for 30 years.  The sad thing is that the one bill passed to avoid another power plant boondoggle, i.e. another Marble Hill (nuclear) power plant debacle that occurred in the early 1980s, has been rendered useless through administrative fiat.  The deal, thirty years ago, was that electric utilities had to prove that a plant was needed and to provide least cost service.  Our regulators eviscerated that part of the statute by interpreting the statute on behalf of electric utilities.  To them, least cost means that utilities must only review but not implement least cost options.  If the statute were interpreted as originally intended, we wouldn’t be dealing with the scandal of Duke Energy’s Edwardsport coal gasification plant.  It certainly is not needed in an era of very low projected electric demand and at $3.5 billion and counting obviously not the least cost option to provide service.

It’s absolutely amazing that since the passage of the certificate of need law mentioned above that the IURC has never denied a power plant on its own volition. Never.  If a plant did not go forward, it’s been because the utility or the non-utility, power plant developer decided to pull the plug.  The Commission was wrong about Marble Hill – prior to passage of the law.  The lights, as claimed by Public Service Indiana (now Duke), did not go out because the plant wasn’t built.  The additional unit at Northern Indiana Public Service Company’s (NIPSCO’s) Shahfer coal plant was not needed.  NIPSCO’s been over-built for years.  The Commission even continued to approve merchant power plants (in the wake of deregulation of electric wholesale markets) when it was obvious that the bottom had fallen out of the market.  Many of the plants that were built barely ran for years or were sold for pennies on the dollar.  Nearly 100 billion dollars were lost nationwide by the industry.  Utilities whose subsidiaries built merchant plants not tied to their captive rate base rushed to get regulators to put them in the rate base, as Indiana regulators did on behalf of Cinergy (now Duke) at its subsidiary’s CinCAP VII Plant in Henry County.  And with electric demand projected well under 1% for years to come, cheap energy efficiency measures and mature wind and solar technology whose costs continue to decline, Edwardsport was never needed.

 How can an institution with vast amounts of expertise and experienced staff inevitably be wrong?  It’s always wrong because the regulatory process is rigged.  The scandal surrounding Edwardsport and excellent reporting at the Indianapolis Star and Indianapolis Business Journal proved that.  The only reason that Duke is eating some of the costs of the plant is that they and the Commission were caught.

 What we need is more transparency at the IURC where regulators oversee more money than we pay in income taxes every year.  What we need is an elected Commission that is held accountable to the public and not working in the shadows behind closed doors in collusion with utility companies.

 As it happens, electric and gas utilities have systematically dismantled ratepayer protections at the legislature and before the Commission.  They have become monopolies with little to no business risk.  Their business plans and mistakes are dumped on ratepayers in the form of rate increases without the slightest pushback from either elected officials or regulators.  They are awarded incentives for what they should be doing anyway.  They are systematically throttling the promise of a strong renewables market in Indiana in favor of their obsolete coal plants and, with this strategy, maintaining a status quo that is expensive, dirty, and economically disastrous.

 This session they will be back with more risk-shifting legislation to relieve themselves of any business risk or management responsibility they may still face, with no thought to the burden they will impose on their customers.  With their captive ratepayers, captive legislators, and captive regulators, they will essentially become unregulated monopolies.  What a deal – for their stockholders.  What an injustice to the rest of us. And most likely without an opposing word from our regulators.

 The IURC is charged with balancing the interests of ratepayers and utility companies.  Such balance is regrettably nonexistent.  The Commissioners have lost sight of the law and their charge.  Many legislatures have been equally negligent, mandating their constituents unwillingly and sometimes unknowingly to rubber stamp utility malfeasance and incompetence.

I dare say that this is the situation in many jurisdictions in the US given the corporatization of government.

Now, I do not have the background to evaluate the particulars of this complaint. But that’s the point–few of us do.  References to “certificates of need” and the URC and the intricacies of the rules governing utility rates are at best unfamiliar territory to most of us, and at worst, Greek. How do we ensure accountability of this government agency? How do we know when it has been “captured” by those it ostensibly regulates?

How does the average citizen judge the merits of Grant Smith’s allegations, or the URC’s inevitable defense?

The same question applies to the EPA, the FCC, the FAA….to all of the federal and state agencies charged with regulating activities involving significant specialization and expertise.

Just how accountable is our “democratic” government, really?

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